Commit 3a91547d authored by marioromera's avatar marioromera

almost ready for snapshot

parent 54ff6952
Pipeline #689 failed with stages
module.exports = {
env: {
browser: true,
commonjs: true,
es6: true,
},
extends: ['plugin:prettier/recommended', 'airbnb'],
plugins: ['prettier'],
globals: {
Atomics: 'readonly',
SharedArrayBuffer: 'readonly',
},
parserOptions: {
ecmaVersion: 6,
},
rules: {
'prettier/prettier': ['error'],
'no-console': 'off',
'linebreak-style': 0,
'comma-dangle': ['error', 'only-multiline'],
'no-plusplus': 'off',
'import/newline-after-import': 'off',
'prefer-arrow-callback': 'off',
'func-names': 'off',
},
};
{
"tabWidth": 2,
"semi": true,
"singleQuote": true,
"trailingComma": "es5",
"endOfLine": "auto"
}
# tfidf-tsne-embedding
This diff is collapsed.
BAf rmation" by Assata Shakur* ___ I believe in living. I believe in the spectrum of Beta days and Gamma people. I believe in sunshine. In windmills and waterfalls, tricycles and rocking chairs. And i believe that seeds grow into sprouts. And sprouts grow into trees. I believe in the magic of the hands. And in the wisdom of the eyes. I believe in rain and tears. And in the blood of in nity. DDD I believe in life. And i have seen the death parade march through the torso of the earth, sculpting mud bodies in its path. I have seen the destruction of the daylight, and seen bloodthirsty maggots prayed to and saluted. DDD I have seen the kind become the blind and the blind become the bind in one easy lesson. I have walked on cut glass. I have eaten crow and blunder bread and breathed the stench of indifference. DDD I have been locked by the lawless. Handcuffed by the haters. Gagged by the greedy. And, if i know any thing at all, it's that a wall is just a wall and nothing more at all. It can be broken down. DDD I believe in living. I believe in birth. I believe in the sweat of love and in the re of truth. DDD And i believe that a lost ship, steered by tired, seasick sailors, can still be guided home to port.
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast},select=audio,dst=display,select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_cc},select=audio,dst=display,select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,ca=0x04},select=audio,dst=display,select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=cc_demux},select=audio,dst=display,select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=cc_demux},dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast}"" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout "chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout "chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_cc}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout "chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=cc_demux}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout "chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9},dst=display,select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout "chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{#chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=#chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display{delay=3100}}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display{delay=3500}}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},select=audio,dst=display{delay=3500},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display{delay=4500}}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast, video=false},dst=display{delay=4500}}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast, video=false}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
castnow --address 192.168.0.9 "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4" && vlc "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast, video=false}:{dst=display{delay=3100}}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast}:{dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#transcode{vcodec=none,acodec=vorb,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast}:{dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#transcode{vcodec=h264,vb=800,acodec=mpga,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100,scodec=none}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#transcode{vcodec=h264,vb=800,acodec=mpga,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100,scodec=none}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --stout="#transcode{vcodec=h264,vb=800,acodec=mpga,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100,scodec=none}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc :sout="#transcode{vcodec=h264,vb=800,acodec=mpga,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100,scodec=none}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc :sout="#transcode{vcodec=h264,vb=800,acodec=mpga,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100,scodec=none}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display,select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc :sout="#transcode{vcodec=h264,vb=800,acodec=mpga,ab=128,channels=2,samplerate=44100,scodec=none}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display,select=video}" :no-sout-all :sout-keep --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc :sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast,dst=display,select=video}" :no-sout-all :sout-keep --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc :sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display,select=video}" :no-sout-all :sout-keep --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display,select=video}" :no-sout-all :sout-keep --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},select=audio,dst=display,select=video}" :no-sout-all :sout-keep --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast, video=false}:display{delay=3100}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast, video=false},dst=display{delay=3100}}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast, video=false},dst=display{delay=3100},select=audio}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},select=audio,dst=display{delay=3100},select=audio}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9, demux-filter=demux_chromecast},select=audio,dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9},select=audio,dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#transcode{venc=x264{preset=ultrafast},vcodec=h264,threads=1}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display{delay=3100},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
vlc --sout="#transcode{venc=x264{preset=ultrafast},vcodec=h264,threads=1}:duplicate{dst=chromecast{ip=192.168.0.9,demux-filter=demux_chromecast},dst=display{delay=3500},select=video}" --play-and-exit "Star Wars The Clone Wars - S01E15.mp4"
doskey -history
doskey --history
doskey /history
doskey /history > C:\Users\mariachi\Desktop\commands.txt
Senator, the Vice President in his campaign has said that you were naive and at times immature. He has raised the question of leadership. On this issue, why do you think people should vote for you rather than the Vice President?,Mr. Vice President, do I take it then you believe that you can work better with Democratic majorities in the House and Senate than Senator Kennedy could work with Democratic majorities in the House and Senate?,MR. NIXON; I would say this: that we, of course, expect to pick up some seats in both in the House and the Senate. Uh – We would hope to control the House, to get a majority in the House uh – in this election. We cannot, of course, control the Senate. I would say that a president will be able to lead – a president will be able to get his program through – to the effect that he has the support of the country, the support of the people. Sometimes we – we get the opinion that in getting programs through the House or the Senate it’s purely a question of legislative finagling and all that sort of thing. It isn’t really that. Whenever a majority of the people are for a program, the House and the Senate responds to it. And whether this House and Senate, in the next session is Democratic or Republican, if the country will have voted for the candidate for the presidency and for the proposals that he has made, I believe that you will find that the president, if it were a Republican, as it would be in my case, would be able to get his program through that Congress. Now, I also say that as far as Senator Kennedy’s proposals are concerned, that, again, the question is not simply one of uh – a presidential veto stopping programs. You must always remember that a president can’t stop anything unless he has the people behind him. And the reason President Eisenhower’s vetoes have been sustained – the reason the Congress does not send up bills to him which they think will be vetoed – is because the people and the Congress, the majority of them, know the country is behind the President.
\ No newline at end of file
Well, the Vice President and I came to the Congress together 1946; we both served in the Labor Committee. I’ve been there now for fourteen years, the same period of time that he has, so that our experience in uh – government is comparable. Secondly, I think the question is uh – what are the programs that we advocate, what is the party record that we lead? I come out of the Democratic party, which in this century has produced Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman, and which supported and sustained these programs which I’ve discussed tonight. Mr. Nixon comes out of the Republican party. He was nominated by it. And it is a fact that through most of these last twenty-five years the Republican leadership has opposed federal aid for education, medical care for the aged, development of the Tennessee Valley, development of our natural resources. I think Mr. Nixon is an effective leader of his party. I hope he would grant me the same. The question before us is: which point of view and which party do we want to lead the United States?,Well, I would say in the latter that the – and that’s what I found uh – somewhat unsatisfactory about the figures uh – Mr. Nixon, that you used in your previous speech, when you talked about the Truman Administration. You – Mr. Truman came to office in nineteen uh – forty-four and at the end of the war, and uh – difficulties that were facing the United States during that period of transition – 1946 when price controls were lifted – so it’s rather difficult to use an overall figure taking those seven and a half years and comparing them to the last eight years. I prefer to take the overall percentage record of the last twenty years of the Democrats and the eight years of the Republicans to show an overall period of growth. In regard to uh – price stability uh – I’m not aware that that committee did produce recommendations that ever were certainly before the Congress from the point of view of legislation in regard to controlling prices. In regard to the exchange of students and labor unions, I am chairman of the subcommittee on Africa and I think that one of the most unfortunate phases of our policy towards that country was the very minute number of exchanges that we had. I think it’s true of Latin America also. We did come forward with a program of students for the Congo of over three hundred which was more than the federal government had for all of Africa the previous year, so that I don’t think that uh – we have moved at least in those two areas with sufficient vigor.,That’s correct.,Well, because I think that if the federal government moved out of the program and withdrew its supports uh – then I think you would have complete uh – economic chaos. The farmer plants in the spring and harvests in the fall. There are hundreds of thousands of them. They really don’t – they’re not able to control their market very well. They bring their crops in or their livestock in, many of them about the same time. They have only a few purchasers that buy their milk or their hogs – a few large companies in many cases – and therefore the farmer is not in a position to bargain very effectively in the market place. I think the experience of the twenties has shown what a free market could do to agriculture. And if the agricultural economy collapses, then the economy of the rest of the United States sooner or later will collapse. The farmers are the number one market for the automobile industry of the United States. The automobile industry is the number one market for steel. So if the farmers’ economy continues to decline as sharply as it has in recent years, then I think you would have a recession in the rest of the country. So I think the case for the government intervention is a good one. Secondly, my objection to present farm policy is that there are no effective controls to bring supply and demand into better balance. The dropping of the support price in order to limit production does not work, and we now have the highest uh – surpluses – nine billion dollars worth. We’ve had a uh – higher tax load from the Treasury for the farmer in the last few years with the lowest farm income in many years. I think that this farm policy has failed. In my judgment the only policy that will work will be for effective supply and demand to be in balance. And that can only be done through governmental action. I therefore suggest that in those basic commodities which are supported, that the federal government, after endorsement by the farmers in that commodity, attempt to bring supply and demand into balance – attempt effective production controls – so that we won’t have that five or six per cent surplus which breaks the price fifteen or twenty per cent. I think Mr. Benson’s program has failed. And I must say, after reading the Vice President’s speech before the farmers, as he read mine, I don’t believe that it’s very much different from Mr. Benson’s. I don’t think it provides effective governmental controls. I think the support prices are tied to the average market price of the last three years, which was Mr. Benson’s theory. I therefore do not believe that this is a sharp enough breach with the past to give us any hope of success for the future.,I didn’t indicate. I did not advocate reducing the federal debt because I don’t believe that you’re going to be able to reduce the federal debt very much in nineteen sixty-one, two, or three. I think you have heavy obligations which affect our security, which we’re going to have to meet. And therefore I’ve never suggested we should uh – be able to retire the debt substantially, or even at all in nineteen sixty-one or two.,No, never.,No. No. Not reducing the interest –,– reducing the interest rate. In my judgment, the hard money, tight money policy, fiscal policy of this Administration has contributed to the slow-down in our economy, which helped bring the recession of fifty-four; which made the recession of fifty-eight rather intense, and which has slowed, somewhat, our economic activity in 1960. What I have talked about, however, the kind of programs that I’ve talked about, in my judgment, are uh – fiscally sound. Medical care for the aged, I would put under social security. The Vice President and I disagree on this. The program – the Javits-Nixon or the Nixon-Javits program – would have cost, if fully used uh – six hundred million dollars by the government per year, and six hundred million dollars by the state. The program which I advocated, which failed by five votes in the United States Senate, would have put medical care for the aged in Social Security, and would have been paid for through the Social Security System and the Social Security tax. Secondly, I support federal aid to education and federal aid for teachers’ salaries. I think that’s a good investment. I think we’re going to have to do it. And I think to heap the burden further on the property tax, which is already strained in many of our communities, will provide, will make sh- insure, in my opinion, that many of our children will not be adequately educated, and many of our teachers not adequately compensated. There is no greater return to an economy or to a society than an educational system second to none. On the question of the development of natural resources, I would pay as you go in the sense that they would be balanced and the power revenues would bring back sufficient money to finance the projects, in the same way as the Tennessee Valley. I believe in the balanced budget. And the only conditions under which I would unbalance the budget would be if there was a grave national emergency or a serious recession. Otherwise, with a steady rate of economic growth – and Mr. Nixon and Mr. Rockefeller, in their meeting, said a five per cent economic growth would bring by 1962 ten billion dollars extra in tax revenues. Whatever is brought in, I think that we can finance essential programs within a balanced budget, if business remains orderly.,When uh – the Vice President quotes me in January, sixty, I do not believe the federal government should pay directly teachers’ salaries, but that was not the issue before the Senate in February. The issue before the Senate was that the money would be given to the state. The state then could determine whether the money would be spent for school construction or teacher salaries. On that question the Vice President and I disagreed. I voted in favor of that proposal and supported it strongly, because I think that that provided assistance to our teachers for their salaries without any chance of federal control and it is on that vote that th- Mr. Nixon and I disagreed, and his tie vote uh – defeated his breaking the tie defeated the proposal. I don’t want the federal government paying teachers’ salaries directly. But if the money will go to the states and the states can then determine whether it shall go for school construction or for teachers’ salaries, in my opinion you protect the local authority over the school board and the school committee. And therefore I think that was a sound proposal and that is why I supported it and I regret that it did not pass. Secondly, there have been statements made that uh – the Democratic platform would cost a good deal of money and that I am in favor of unbalancing the budget. That is wholly wrong, wholly in error, and it is a fact that in the last eight years the Democratic Congress has reduced the appropri- the requests for the appropriations by over ten billion dollars. That is not my view and I think it ought to be stated very clearly on the record. My view is that you can do these programs – and they should be carefully drawn – within a balanced budget if our economy is moving ahead.,Well as you take the bills –,If I may take the bills, we did pass in the Senate a bill uh – to provide a dollar twenty-five cent minimum wage. It failed because the House did not pass it and the House failed by eleven votes. And I might say that two-thirds of the Republicans in the House voted against a dollar twenty-five cent minimum wage and a majority of the Democrats sustained it – nearly two-thirds of them voted for the dollar twenty-five. We were threatened by a veto if we passed a dollar and a quarter – it’s extremely difficult with the great power that the president does to pass any bill when the president is opposed to it. All the president needs to sustain his veto of any bill is one-third plus one in either the House or the Senate. Secondly, we passed a federal aid to education bill in the Senate. It failed to came to the floor of the House of Representatives. It was killed in the Rules Committee. And it is a fact in the August session that the four members of the Rules Committee who were Republicans joining with two Democrats voted against sending the aid to education bill to the floor of the House. Four Democrats voted for it. Every Republican on the Rules Committee voted against sending that bill to be considered by the members of the House of Representatives. Thirdly, on medical care for the aged, this is the same fight that’s been going on for twenty-five years in Social Security. We wanted to tie it to Social Security. We offered an amendment to do so. Forty-four Democrats voted for it, one Republican voted for it. And we were informed at the time it came to a vote that if it was adopted the President of the United States would veto it. In my judgment, a vigorous Democratic president supported by a Democratic majority in the House and Senate can win the support for these programs. But if you send a Republican president and a Democratic majority and the threat of a veto hangs over the Congress, in my judgment you will continue what happened in the August session, which is a clash of parties and inaction.,Well, now let’s look at these bills that the Vice President suggests were too extreme. One was a bill for a dollar twenty-five cents an hour for anyone who works in a store or company that has a million dollars a year business. I don’t think that’s extreme at all; and yet nearly two-thirds to three-fourths of the Republicans in the House of Representatives voted against that proposal. Secondly was the federal aid to education bill. It – it was a very uh – because of the defeat of teacher salaries, it was not a bill that uh – met in my opinion the need. The fact of the matter is it was a bill that was less than you recommended, Mr. Nixon, this morning in your proposal. It was not an extreme bill and yet we could not get one Republican to join, at least I think four of the eight Democrats voted to send it to the floor of the House – not one Republican – and they joined with those Democrats who were opposed to it. I don’t say the Democrats are united in their support of the program. But I do say a majority are. And I say a majority of the Republicans are opposed to it. The third is medical care for the aged which is tied to Social Security, which is financed out of Social Security funds. It does not put a deficit on the Treasury. The proposal advanced by you and by Mr. Javits would have cost six hundred millions of dollars – Mr. Rockefeller rejected it in New York, said he didn’t agree with the financing at all, said it ought to be on Social Security. So these are three programs which are quite moderate. I think it shows the difference between the two parties. One party is ready to move in these programs. The other party gives them lip service.,Well, I think they’re serious. I think it’s a matter that we should continue to uh – give uh – great care and attention to. We should support uh – the laws which the United States has passed in order to protect us from uh – those who would destroy us from within. We should sustain uh – the Department of Justice in its efforts and the F.B.I., and we should be continually alert. I think if the United States is maintaining a strong society here in the United States, I think that we can meet any internal threat. The major threat is external and will continue.,Well, I must say that the reason that the schools have been constructed is because the local school districts were willing to increase the property taxes to a tremendously high figure – in my opinion, almost to the point of diminishing returns in order to sustain these schools. Secondly, I think we have a rich uh – country. And I think we have a powerful country. I think what we have to do, however, is have the president and the leadership set before our country exactly what we must do in the next decade, if we’re going to maintain our security in education, in economic growth, in development of natural resources. The Soviet Union is making great gains. It isn’t enough to compare what might have been done eight years ago, or ten years ago, or fifteen years ago, or twenty years ago. I want to compare what we’re doing with what our adversaries are doing, so that by the year 1970 the United States is ahead in education, in health, in building, in homes, in economic strength. I think that’s the big assignment, the big task, the big function of the federal government.,The point was made by Mr. Nixon that the Soviet production is only forty-four percent of ours. I must say that forty-four percent and that Soviet country is causing us a good deal of trouble tonight. I want to make sure that it stays in that relationship. I don’t want to see the day when it’s sixty percent of ours, and seventy and seventy-five and eighty and ninety percent of ours, with all the force and power that it could bring to bear in order to cause our destruction. Secondly, the Vice President mentioned medical care for the aged. Our program was an amendment to the Kerr bill. The Kerr bill provided assistance to all those who were not on Social Security. I think it’s a very clear contrast. In 1935, when the Social Security Act was written, ninety-four out of ninety-five Republicans voted against it. Mr. Landon ran in 1936 to repeal it. In August of 1960, when we tried to get it again, but this time for medical care, we received the support of one Republican in the Senate on this occasion. Thirdly, I think the question before the American people is: as they look at this country and as they look at the world around them, the goals are the same for all Americans. The means are at question. The means are at issue. If you feel that everything that is being done now is satisfactory, that the relative power and prestige and strength of the United States is increasing in relation to that of the Communists; that we’ve b- gaining more security, that we are achieving everything as a nation that we should achieve, that we are achieving a better life for our citizens and greater strength, then I agree. I think you should vote for Mr. Nixon. But if you feel that we have to move again in the sixties, that the function of the president is to set before the people the unfinished business of our society as Franklin Roosevelt did in the thirties, the agenda for our people – what we must do as a society to meet our needs in this country and protect our security and help the cause of freedom. As I said at the beginning, the question before us all, that faces all Republicans and all Democrats, is: can freedom in the next generation conquer, or are the Communists going to be successful? That’s the great issue. And if we meet our responsibilities I think freedom will conquer. If we fail, if we fail to move ahead, if we fail to develop sufficient military and economic and social strength here in this country, then I think that uh – the tide could begin to run against us. And I don’t want historians, ten years from now, to say, these were the years when the tide ran out for the United States. I want them to say these were the years when the tide came in; these were the years when the United States started to move again. That’s the question before the American people, and only you can decide what you want, what you want this country to be, what you want to do with the future. I think we’re ready to move. And it is to that great task, if we’re successful, that we will address ourselves.
\ No newline at end of file
This diff is collapsed.
Mr. Vice President, your campaign stresses the value of your eight year experience, and the question arises as to whether that experience was as an observer or as a participant or as an initiator of policy-making. Would you tell us please specifically what major proposals you have made in the last eight years that have been adopted by the Administration?,Senator Kennedy, in connection with these problems of the future that you speak of, and the program that you enunciated earlier in your direct talk, you call for expanding some of the welfare programs for schools, for teacher salaries, medical care, and so forth; but you also call for reducing the federal debt. And I’m wondering how you, if you’re president in January, would go about paying the bill for all this. Does this mean that you?,Senator, I believe in – in one of your speeches –,– you suggested that reducing the interest rate would help toward –,– a reduction of the Federal debt.
\ No newline at end of file
Three minutes and twenty seconds for each candidate. Vice President Nixon, will you make the first summation?
\ No newline at end of file
And now the opening statement by Vice President Richard M. Nixon.,Thank you, Mr. Nixon. That completes the opening statements, and now the candidates will answer questions or comment upon one another’s answers to questions, put by correspondents of the networks. The correspondents: The first question to Senator Kennedy from Mr. Fleming.,Mr. Nixon, would you like to comment on that statement?,Mr. NIXON: I have no comment.,Mr. SMITH: The next question: Mr. Novins.,The next question to Senator Kennedy from Mr. Warren.,Mr. Nixon, comment?,MR. NIXON; I of course disagree with Senator Kennedy insofar as his suggestions as to what should be done uh – with re- on the farm program. He has made the suggestion that what we need is to move in the direction of more government controls, a suggestion that would also mean raising prices uh – that the consumers pay for products and im- and imposing upon the farmers uh – controls on acreage even far more than they have today. I think this is the wrong direction. I don’t think this has worked in the past; I do not think it will work in the future. The program that I have advocated is one which departs from the present program that we have in this respect. It recognizes that the government has a responsibility to get the farmer out of the trouble he presently is in because the government got him into it. And that’s the fundamental reason why we can’t let the farmer go by himself at the present time. The farmer produced these surpluses because the government asked him to through legislation during the war. Now that we have these surpluses, it’s our responsibility to indemnify the farmer during that period that we get rid of the farmer uh – the surpluses. Until we get the surpluses off the farmer’s back, however, we should have a program such as I announced, which will see that farm income holds up. But I would propose holding that income up not through a type of program that Senator Kennedy has suggested that would raise prices, but one that would indemnify the farmer, pay the farmer in kind uh – from the products which are in surplus.,Mr. SMITH: The next question to Vice President Nixon from Mr. Vanocur.,Senator Kennedy.,Mr. KENNEDY: Well, I’ll just say that the question is of experience and the question also is uh – what our judgment is of the future, and what our goals are for the United States, and what ability we have to implement those goals. Abraham Lincoln came to the presidency in 1860 after a rather little known uh – session in the House of Representatives and after being defeated for the Senate in fifty-eight and was a distinguished president. There’s no certain road to the presidency. There are no guarantees that uh – if you take uh – one road or another that you will be a successful president. I have been in the Congress for fourteen years. I have voted in the last uh – eight years uh – and the Vice President was uh – presiding over the Senate and meeting his other responsibilities. I have met met uh – decisions over eight hundred times on matters which affect not only the domestic security of the United States, but as a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The question really is: which candidate and which party can meet the problems that the United States is going to face in the sixties?,The next question to Senator Kennedy from Mr. Novins.,Mr. Nixon, your comment?,The next question to Vice President Nixon from Mr. Warren.,Senator Kennedy’s comment?,The next question to Senator Kennedy from Mr. Vanocur.,Mr. Nixon, comment?,The next question to Vice President Nixon fa- from Mr. Fleming.,Senator Kennedy.,Mr. Warren’s question for Senator Kennedy.,Mr. Nixon, comment?,Mr. Vanocur’s question for Vice President Nixon.,Senator Kennedy.,Can I have the summation time please? We’ve completed our questions and our comments, and in just a moment, we’ll have the summation time.,Senator Kennedy, your conclusion.,Thank you very much, gentlemen. This hour has gone by all too quickly. Thank you very much for permitting us to present the next president of the United States on this unique program. I’ve been asked by the candidates to thank the American networks and the affiliated stations for providing time and facilities for this joint appearance. Other debates in this series will be announced later and will be on different subjects. This is Howard K. Smith. Good night from Chicago.
\ No newline at end of file
Uh – Mr. Vice President, since the question of executive leadership is a very important campaign issue, I’d like to follow Mr. Novins’ question. Now, Republican campaign slogans – you’ll see them on signs around the country as you did last week – say it’s experience that counts – that’s over a picture of yourself; sir uh – implying that you’ve had more governmental executive decision-making uh – experience than uh – your opponent. Now, in his news conference on August twenty-fourth, President Eisenhower was asked to give one example of a major idea of yours that he adopted. His reply was, and I’m quoting; “If you give me a week I might think of one. I don’t remember.” Now that was a month ago, sir, and the President hasn’t brought it up since, and I’m wondering, sir, if you can clarify which version is correct – the one put out by Republican campaign leaders or the one put out by President Eisenhower?,Senator, you’ve been promising the voters that if you are elected president you’ll try and push through Congress bills on medical aid to the aged, a comprehensive minimum hourly wage bill, federal aid to education. Now, in the August post-convention session of the Congress, when you at least held up the possibility you could one day be president and when you had overwhelming majorities, especially in the Senate, you could not get action on these bills. Now how do you feel that you’ll be able to get them in January –,– if you weren’t able to get them in August?,Mr. Vice President uh – in one of your earlier statements you said we’ve moved ahead, we’ve built more schools, we’ve built more hospitals. Now, sir, isn’t it true that the building of more schools is a local matter for financing? Uh – Were you claiming that the Eisenhower Administration was responsible for the building of these schools, or is it the local school districts that provide for it?
\ No newline at end of file
Uh – Senator Kennedy, during your brief speech a few minutes ago you mentioned farm surpluses.,I’d like to ask this: It’s a fact, I think, that presidential candidates traditionally make promises to farmers. Lots of people, I think, don’t understand why the government pays farmers for not producing certain crops or paying farmers if they overproduce for that matter. Now, let me ask, sir, why can’t the farmer operate like the business man who operates a factory? If an auto company overproduces a certain model car Uncle Sam doesn’t step in and buy up the surplus. Why this constant courting of the farmer?,Mr. Vice President you mentioned schools and it was just yesterday I think you asked for a crash program to raise education standards, and this evening you talked about advances in education. Mr. Vice President, you said – it was back in 1957 – that salaries paid to school teachers were nothing short of a national disgrace. Higher salaries for teachers, you added, were important and if the situation wasn’t corrected it could lead to a national disaster. And yet, you refused to vote in the Senate in order to break a tie vote when that single vote, if it had been yes, would have granted salary increases to teachers. I wonder if you could explain that, sir.,Senator Kennedy, on another subject, Communism is so often described as an ideology or a belief that exists somewhere other than in the United States. Let me ask you, sir: just how serious a threat to our national security are these Communist subversive activities in the United States today?
\ No newline at end of file
Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon. In the election of 1860, Abraham Lincoln said the question was whether this nation could exist half-slave or half-free. In the election of 1960, and with the world around us, the question is whether the world will exist half-slave or half-free, whether it will move in the direction of freedom, in the direction of the road that we are taking, or whether it will move in the direction of slavery. I think it will depend in great measure upon what we do here in the United States, on the kind of society that we build, on the kind of strength that we maintain. We discuss tonight domestic issues, but I would not want that to be any implication to be given that this does not involve directly our struggle with Mr. Khrushchev for survival. Mr. Khrushchev is in New York, and he maintains the Communist offensive throughout the world because of the productive power of the Soviet Union itself. The Chinese Communists have always had a large population. But they are important and dangerous now because they are mounting a major effort within their own country. The kind of country we have here, the kind of society we have, the kind of strength we build in the United States will be the defense of freedom. If we do well here, if we meet our obligations, if we’re moving ahead, then I think freedom will be secure around the world. If we fail, then freedom fails. Therefore, I think the question before the American people is: Are we doing as much as we can do? Are we as strong as we should be? Are we as strong as we must be if we’re going to maintain our independence, and if we’re going to maintain and hold out the hand of friendship to those who look to us for assistance, to those who look to us for survival? I should make it very clear that I do not think we’re doing enough, that I am not satisfied as an American with the progress that we’re making. This is a great country, but I think it could be a greater country; and this is a powerful country, but I think it could be a more powerful country. I’m not satisfied to have fifty percent of our steel-mill capacity unused. I’m not satisfied when the United States had last year the lowest rate of economic growth of any major industrialized society in the world. Because economic growth means strength and vitality; it means we’re able to sustain our defenses; it means we’re able to meet our commitments abroad. I’m not satisfied when we have over nine billion dollars worth of food – some of it rotting – even though there is a hungry world, and even though four million Americans wait every month for a food package from the government, which averages five cents a day per individual. I saw cases in West Virginia, here in the United States, where children took home part of their school lunch in order to feed their families because I don’t think we’re meeting our obligations toward these Americans. I’m not satisfied when the Soviet Union is turning out twice as many scientists and engineers as we are. I’m not satisfied when many of our teachers are inadequately paid, or when our children go to school part-time shifts. I think we should have an educational system second to none. I’m not satisfied when I see men like Jimmy Hoffa – in charge of the largest union in the United States – still free. I’m not satisfied when we are failing to develop the natural resources of the United States to the fullest. Here in the United States, which developed the Tennessee Valley and which built the Grand Coulee and the other dams in the Northwest United States at the present rate of hydropower production – and that is the hallmark of an industrialized society – the Soviet Union by 1975 will be producing more power than we are. These are all the things, I think, in this country that can make our society strong, or can mean that it stands still. I’m not satisfied until every American enjoys his full constitutional rights. If a Negro baby is born – and this is true also of Puerto Ricans and Mexicans in some of our cities – he has about one-half as much chance to get through high school as a white baby. He has one-third as much chance to get through college as a white student. He has about a third as much chance to be a professional man, about half as much chance to own a house. He has about uh – four times as much chance that he’ll be out of work in his life as the white baby. I think we can do better. I don’t want the talents of any American to go to waste. I know that there are those who want to turn everything over to the government. I don’t at all. I want the individuals to meet their responsibilities. And I want the states to meet their responsibilities. But I think there is also a national responsibility. The argument has been used against every piece of social legislation in the last twenty-five years. The people of the United States individually could not have developed the Tennessee Valley; collectively they could have. A cotton farmer in Georgia or a peanut farmer or a dairy farmer in Wisconsin and Minnesota, he cannot protect himself against the forces of supply and demand in the market place; but working together in effective governmental programs he can do so. Seventeen million Americans, who live over sixty-five on an average Social Security check of about seventy-eight dollars a month, they’re not able to sustain themselves individually, but they can sustain themselves through the social security system. I don’t believe in big government, but I believe in effective governmental action. And I think that’s the only way that the United States is going to maintain its freedom. It’s the only way that we’re going to move ahead. I think we can do a better job. I think we’re going to have to do a better job if we are going to meet the responsibilities which time and events have placed upon us. We cannot turn the job over to anyone else. If the United States fails, then the whole cause of freedom fails. And I think it depends in great measure on what we do here in this country. The reason Franklin Roosevelt was a good neighbor in Latin America was because he was a good neighbor in the United States. Because they felt that the American society was moving again. I want us to recapture that image. I want people in Latin America and Africa and Asia to start to look to America; to see how we’re doing things; to wonder what the resident of the United States is doing; and not to look at Khrushchev, or look at the Chinese Communists. That is the obligation upon our generation. In 1933, Franklin Roosevelt said in his inaugural that this generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny. I think our generation of Americans has the same rendezvous. The question now is: Can freedom be maintained under the most severe tack – attack it has ever known? I think it can be. And I think in the final analysis it depends upon what we do here. I think it’s time America started moving again.
\ No newline at end of file
This will allow three minutes and twenty seconds for the summation by each candidate.
\ No newline at end of file
This diff is collapsed.
# Course URL:
# https://deeplearningcourses.com/c/natural-language-processing-with-deep-learning-in-python
# https://udemy.com/natural-language-processing-with-deep-learning-in-python
import json
import numpy as np
import matplotlib.pyplot as plt
from sklearn.utils import shuffle
from sklearn.manifold import TSNE
from sklearn.decomposition import TruncatedSVD, PCA, KernelPCA
from datetime import datetime
import os
import sys
sys.path.append(os.path.abspath('..'))
# from util import find_analogies
# from sklearn.feature_extraction.text import TfidfTransformer
def main():
analogies_to_try = (
('king', 'man', 'woman'),
('france', 'paris', 'london'),
('france', 'paris', 'rome'),
('paris', 'france', 'italy'),
)
### choose a data source ###
# sentences, word2idx = get_sentences_with_word2idx_limit_vocab(n_vocab=1500)
# sentences, word2idx = get_wikipedia_data(n_files=3, n_vocab=2000, by_paragraph=True)
# with open('tfidf_word2idx.json', 'w') as f:
# json.dump(word2idx, f)
notfound = False
for word_list in analogies_to_try:
for w in word_list:
if w not in word2idx:
print("%s not found in vocab, remove it from \
analogies to try or increase vocab size" % w)
notfound = True
if notfound:
exit()
# build term document matrix
V = len(word2idx)
N = len(sentences)
# create raw counts first
A = np.zeros((V, N))
print("V:", V, "N:", N)
j = 0
for sentence in sentences:
for i in sentence:
A[i, j] += 1
j += 1
print("finished getting raw counts")
transformer = TfidfTransformer()
A = transformer.fit_transform(A.T).T
# tsne requires a dense array
A = A.toarray()
# map back to word in plot
idx2word = {v: k for k, v in iteritems(word2idx)}
# plot the data in 2-D
tsne = TSNE()
Z = tsne.fit_transform(A)
plt.scatter(Z[:, 0], Z[:, 1])
for i in range(V):
try:
plt.annotate(s=idx2word[i].encode("utf8").decode("utf8"), xy=(Z[i, 0], Z[i, 1]))
except:
print("bad string:", idx2word[i])
plt.draw()
### multiple ways to create vectors for each word ###
# 1) simply set it to the TF-IDF matrix
# We = A
# 2) create a higher-D word embedding
tsne = TSNE(n_components=3)
We = tsne.fit_transform(A)
# 3) use a classic dimensionality reduction technique
# svd = KernelPCA(n_components=20, kernel='rbf')
# We = svd.fit_transform(A)
for word_list in analogies_to_try:
w1, w2, w3 = word_list
find_analogies(w1, w2, w3, We, word2idx, idx2word)
plt.show() # pause script until plot is closed
if __name__ == '__main__':
main()
This diff is collapsed.
......@@ -4,16 +4,34 @@
"description": "",
"main": "index.js",
"scripts": {
"start": "webpack-dev-server --config ./webpack.config.dev.js",
"test": "echo \"Error: no test specified\" && exit 1"
},
"author": "",
"license": "ISC",
"dependencies": {
"@tensorflow/tfjs-tsne": "^0.2.0",
"d3": "^5.16.0",
"fs": "0.0.1-security",
"lodash": "^4.17.15",
"tsne": "^1.0.1",
"tiny-tfidf": "^0.9.1",
"transcript-parser": "^0.7.1",
"tsne-js": "^1.0.3"
},
"devDependencies": {
"clean-webpack-plugin": "^3.0.0",
"copy-webpack-plugin": "^5.1.1",
"eslint": "^6.8.0",
"eslint-config-airbnb-base": "^14.1.0",
"eslint-config-prettier": "^6.10.1",
"eslint-plugin-import": "^2.20.2",
"eslint-plugin-prettier": "^3.1.2",
"html-webpack-plugin": "^4.2.0",
"mini-css-extract-plugin": "^0.9.0",
"prettier": "^2.0.2",
"style-loader": "^1.1.3",
"webpack": "^4.42.1",
"webpack-cli": "^3.3.11",
"webpack-dev-server": "^3.10.3",
"worker-loader": "^2.0.0"
}
}
......@@ -4,16 +4,13 @@
<meta charset="UTF-8" />
<meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0" />
<title>Document</title>
<link rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" href="./fonts/style.css" />
<link rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" href="./assets/fonts/style.css" />
</head>
<body>
<html>
<head>
<link rel="stylesheet" href="index.css" />
</head>
<head> </head>
<body>
<svg></svg>
<script src="./bundle.js"></script>
</body>
<style></style>
</html>
......
const d3 = require('d3');
const _ = require('lodash');
const { Corpus } = require('tiny-tfidf');
const stopWords = require('./stop-words');
//https://www.debates.org/voter-education/debate-transcripts/september-26-1960-debate-transcript/
const fileName = 'The First Kennedy-Nixon Presidential Debate';
const Worker = require('./tsne.worker.js');
const worker = new Worker();
document.body.addEventListener(
'keydown',
function (e) {
e = e || window.event;
var key = e.which || e.keyCode; // keyCode detection
var ctrl = e.ctrlKey ? e.ctrlKey : key === 17 ? true : false; // ctrl detection
if (key == 67 && ctrl) {
console.log('Stopping worker');
worker.terminate();
}
},
false
);
let tsneOptions = {
dim: 2,
perplexity: 30.0, // roughly how many neighbors each point influences (30 = default)
earlyExaggeration: 12.0,
learningRate: 100.0, // epsilon is learning rate (10 = default)
nIter: 100,
metric: 'euclidean',
};
const speakers = ['MR. KENNEDY', 'MR. NIXON'];
const textFiles = speakers.map(
(speaker) => `assets/transcript-roles/${speaker}.txt `
);
const texts$ = Promise.all(
textFiles.map((tf) => fetch(tf).then((r) => r.text()))
);
texts$.then((documents) => {
var svgWidth = 1200;
var svgHeight = 800;
var margin = { top: 40, right: 120, bottom: 140, left: 50 };
var width = svgWidth - margin.left - margin.right;
var height = svgHeight - margin.top - margin.bottom;
var svg = d3.select('svg').attr('width', svgWidth).attr('height', svgHeight);
// const p = document.createElement('p');
// p.setAttribute('class', 'text');
// p.innerHTML = [...documents];
// document.querySelector('body').append(p);
const corpus = new Corpus(speakers, documents, false, stopWords);
const docsVectors = speakers.map((s) => corpus.getDocumentVector(s));
const resultTfidf = docsVectors.reduce((acc, mapping) => {
[...mapping.keys()].forEach((key) => {
acc[key] = acc[key]
? [...acc[key], mapping.get(key)]
: [mapping.get(key)];
});
return acc;
}, {});
const rawTfidf = _.values(resultTfidf);
const data = _.keys(resultTfidf).map((p, i) => {
return {
word: p,
doc: fileName,
points: [],
};
});
var color = d3
.scaleSequential()
.domain([0, speakers.length])
.interpolator(d3.interpolateSinebow);
var g = svg
.append('g')
.attr('transform', 'translate(' + margin.left + ',' + margin.top + ')');
const iterText = svg
.append('g')
.append('text')
.attr('class', 'iter')
.attr('fill', '#000')
.attr('y', 14)
.attr('x', width - 50)
.attr('text-anchor', 'center')
.text('Iterations');
const texts = svg.append('g');
const fileNameText = texts
.append('text')
.attr('fill', '#000')
.attr('y', 14)
.attr('x', 1)
.attr('text-anchor', 'center')
.text(fileName);
texts
.append('text')
.attr('y', 34)
.attr('x', 1)
.attr('text-anchor', 'center')
.attr('fill', color(0))
.text('Kennedy');
texts
.append('text')
.attr('y', 54)
.attr('x', 1)
.attr('text-anchor', 'center')
.attr('fill', color(1))
.text('Nixon');
var x = d3.scaleLinear().range([0, width]);
var y = d3.scaleLinear().range([height, 0]);
x.domain([-1, 1]); //use just the x part
y.domain([-1, 1]); // use just the y part
const points = g
.append('g')
.attr('class', 'points')
.attr('clip-path', 'url(#clip)');
// ZOOOOOOOOM
var zoom = d3
.zoom()
.scaleExtent([1, 20]) // This control how much you can unzoom (x0.5) and zoom (x20)
.extent([
[0, 0],
[width, height],
])
.on('zoom', update);
svg
.append('rect')
.attr('width', width)
.attr('height', height)
.style('fill', 'none')
.style('pointer-events', 'all')
.attr('transform', 'translate(' + margin.left + ',' + margin.top + ')')
.call(zoom);
const clipPath = svg
.append('defs')
.append('SVG:clipPath')
.attr('id', 'clip')
.append('SVG:rect')
.attr('width', width)
.attr('height', height)
.attr('x', 0)
.attr('y', 0);
var line = d3
.line()
.x((d) => x(d[0])) // apply the x scale to the x data
.y((d) => y(d[1])) // apply the y scale to the y data
.curve(d3.curveMonotoneX);
function update() {
// recover the new scale
var newX = d3.event.transform.rescaleX(x);
var newY = d3.event.transform.rescaleY(y);
const newLine = d3
.line()
.x((d) => newX(d[0])) // apply the x scale to the x data
.y((d) => newY(d[1])) // apply the y scale to the y data
.curve(d3.curveMonotoneX);
// update circle position
points
.selectAll('circle')
.data(data)
.attr('cx', function (d) {
return newX(_.last(d.points)[0]);
})
.attr('cy', function (d) {
return newY(_.last(d.points)[1]);
});
points
.selectAll('path')
.data(data)
.attr('d', (d) => newLine(d.points));
points
.selectAll('text')
.data(data)
.attr('x', function (d) {
return newX(_.last(d.points)[0]);
})
.attr('y', function (d) {
return newY(_.last(d.points)[1]);
});
}
function drawSolution(solution) {
points.selectAll('path').remove();
points.selectAll('circle').remove();
points.selectAll('text').remove();
solution.forEach((point, i) => {
data[i].points.push(point);
const wordScore = resultTfidf[data[i].word];
const speakerColor = wordScore[1] > wordScore[0] ? color(1) : color(0);
const paths = points
.append('circle')
.attr('class', `point ${data[i].word}`)
.attr('cx', x(point[0]))
.attr('cy', y(point[1]))
.attr('stroke', speakerColor)
.attr('stroke-width', 1)
.attr('r', '3')
.attr('fill', 'none');
points
.append('path')
.attr('class', `line ${data[i].word}`)
.attr('d', line(data[i].points))
.attr('stroke', speakerColor)
.attr('opacity', 0.1)
.attr('stroke-width', 1)
.attr('fill', 'none');
points
.append('text')
.attr('class', `label ${data[i].word}`)
.attr('x', x(point[0]) - 7)
.attr('y', y(point[1]) - 7)
.attr('font-family', 'Segoe UI Italic') // Font type
.attr('font-size', '14px') // Font size
.attr('fill', speakerColor)
.text(data[i].word);
});
}
let iter = 0;
worker.onmessage = function (e) {
var msg = e.data;
switch (msg.type) {
case 'PROGRESS_ITER':
iter = msg.data[0];
iterText.text(`Iteration: ${msg.data[0]}`);
break;
case 'PROGRESS_DATA':
drawSolution(msg.data);
break;
case 'DONE':
iterText.text(`Done withing ${iter} iterations`);
drawSolution(msg.data);
break;
default:
}
};
worker.postMessage({
type: 'INPUT_DATA',
data: rawTfidf,
});
worker.postMessage({
type: 'RUN',
data: tsneOptions,
});
});
const stopWords = require('./stop-words');
const _ = require('lodash');
function preprocess(text) {
return _.flow(
function preprocess(texts) {
const pipeline = _.flow(